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Mosley, Charles , ed. The Cambridge Modern History. Handbook of British Chronology 3rd ed. Orationes et epistolae Cantabrigienses — Robert Cecil, Marquess of Salisbury.

Schumann, Matt; Schweizer, Karl W. The Seven Years War: The End of British Party Politics? Yet the Scottish party was much more influential at Westminster: Seldon, Anthony , ed.

Shaw, William Arthur The Knights of England. Sherratt and Hughes — via the Internet Archive. Tegg — via the Internet Archive. Tout, Thomas Frederick An Advanced History of Great Britain.

Compendium of British Office Holders. Studies in Modern History. Sir Winston Churchill resigns". On This Day — Archived from the original on 2 April Retrieved 2 September Balfour, Arthur 29 March Archived from the original on 2 September Lord Palmerston, then the Leader of this House.

Archived from the original on 20 April Retrieved 30 August Bogdanor, Vernon 3 October Archived from the original on 29 April Retrieved 28 April Archived from the original on 22 February This matter was brought before the House on the 13th of May, Disraeli, who was then the Leader of the House.

Disraeli, Benjamin 8 June The noble Lord the leader of this House and First Minister of the Crown—a man eminently versed in foreign policy.

Archived from the original on 21 May Archived from the original on 20 May Retrieved 3 September Royal Society of Edinburgh.

Archived PDF from the original on 22 April Retrieved 28 August Law, Bonar 27 November Archived from the original on 27 April Archived PDF from the original on 14 May Macfarlane, Sir Donald Horne 14 April Mackay, Robert 28 December Archived from the original on 3 March Retrieved 26 June Archived from the original on 10 June Morrill, John 25 January Archived from the original on 5 September King George I called on Robert Walpole, well known for his political and financial acumen, to handle the emergency.

With considerable skill and some luck, Walpole acted quickly to restore public credit and confidence, and led the country out of the crisis.

A year later, the king appointed him First Lord of the Treasury, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Leader of the House of Commons — making him the most powerful minister in the government.

Ruthless, crude, and hard-working, he had a "sagacious business sense" and was a superb manager of men. Walpole demonstrated for the first time how a chief minister — a prime minister — could be the actual head of the government under the new constitutional framework.

Third, recognising that the Cabinet had become the executive and must be united, he dominated the other members and demanded their complete support for his policies.

Fourth, recognising that political parties were the source of ministerial strength, he led the Whig party and maintained discipline.

In the Commons, he insisted on the support of all Whig members, especially those who held office. Finally, he set an example for future Prime Ministers by resigning his offices in after a vote of confidence , which he won by just three votes.

The slimness of this majority undermined his power, even though he still retained the confidence of the Sovereign.

For all his contributions, Walpole was not a prime minister in the modern sense. The king — not Parliament — chose him; and the king — not Walpole — chose the Cabinet.

Walpole set an example, not a precedent, and few followed his example. In some cases, the prime minister was a figurehead with power being wielded by other individuals; in others there was a reversion to the "chief minister" model of earlier times in which the sovereign actually governed.

For these reasons, there was a reluctance to use the title. Although Walpole is now called the "first" prime minister, the title was not commonly used during his tenure.

Walpole himself denied it. In his defence, Walpole said "I unequivocally deny that I am sole or Prime Minister and that to my influence and direction all the affairs of government must be attributed".

In , for example, one member of the Commons said, "the Constitution abhors the idea of a prime minister". In , Lord Lansdowne said, "nothing could be more mischievous or unconstitutional than to recognise by act of parliament the existence of such an office".

By the turn of the 20th century the premiership had become, by convention, the most important position in the constitutional hierarchy.

Yet there were no legal documents describing its powers or acknowledging its existence. The first official recognition given to the office had only been in the Treaty of Berlin in , when Disraeli signed as "First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister of her Britannic Majesty".

As late as , Arthur Balfour explained the status of his office in a speech at Haddington: He has no statutory duties as Prime Minister, his name occurs in no Acts of Parliament, and though holding the most important place in the constitutional hierarchy, he has no place which is recognised by the laws of his country.

This is a strange paradox. In the position was given some official recognition when the "Prime Minister" was named in the order of precedence , outranked, among non-royals, only by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York , the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland and the Lord Chancellor.

The first Act of Parliament to mention the premiership — albeit in a schedule — was the Chequers Estate Act on 20 December Unequivocal legal recognition was given in the Ministers of the Crown Act , which made provision for payment of a salary to the person who is both "the First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister".

Despite the reluctance to legally recognise the Premiership, ambivalence toward it waned in the s. During the first 20 years of his reign, George III — tried to be his own "prime minister" by controlling policy from outside the Cabinet, appointing and dismissing ministers, meeting privately with individual ministers, and giving them instructions.

Rockingham assumed the Premiership "on the distinct understanding that measures were to be changed as well as men; and that the measures for which the new ministry required the royal consent were the measures which they, while in opposition, had advocated.

From this time, there was a growing acceptance of the position of Prime Minister and the title was more commonly used, if only unofficially.

Lord North, for example, who had said the office was "unknown to the constitution", reversed himself in when he said, "In this country some one man or some body of men like a Cabinet should govern the whole and direct every measure.

For the next 17 years until and again from to , Pitt, the Tory, was Prime Minister in the same sense that Walpole, the Whig, had been earlier. Their conversion was reinforced after In that year, George III, who had suffered periodically from mental instability possibly due to a blood disorder now known as porphyria , became permanently insane and spent the remaining 10 years of his life unable to discharge his duties.

The Prince Regent was prevented from using the full powers of Kingship. The Regent became George IV in , but during his year reign was indolent and frivolous.

Consequently, for 20 years the throne was virtually vacant and Tory Cabinets led by Tory Prime Ministers filled the void, governing virtually on their own.

The Tories were in power for almost 50 years, except for a Whig ministry from to Lord Liverpool was Prime Minister for 15 years; he and Pitt held the position for 34 years.

Under their long, consistent leadership, Cabinet government became a convention of the constitution. Although subtle issues remained to be settled, the Cabinet system of government is essentially the same today as it was in She selects as her Prime Minister the person who is able to command a working majority in the House of Commons, and invites him or her to form a government.

As the actual Head of Government , the Prime Minister selects his Cabinet, choosing its members from among those in Parliament who agree or generally agree with his intended policies.

He then recommends them to the Sovereign who confirms his selections by formally appointing them to their offices. Led by the Prime Minister, the Cabinet is collectively responsible for whatever the government does.

The Sovereign does not confer with members privately about policy, nor attend Cabinet meetings. With respect to actual governance, the monarch has only three constitutional rights: The modern British system includes not only a government formed by the majority party or coalition of parties in the House of Commons but also an organised and open opposition formed by those who are not members of the governing party.

Seated in the front, directly across from the ministers on the Treasury Bench, the leaders of the opposition form a "Shadow Government", complete with a salaried "Shadow Prime Minister", the Leader of the Opposition , ready to assume office if the government falls or loses the next election.

During the 18th century this idea waned and finally disappeared as the two party system developed. In , Broughton, a Whig, announced in the Commons that he opposed the report of a Bill.

Sometimes rendered as the " Loyal Opposition ", it acknowledges the legitimate existence of the two party system, and describes an important constitutional concept: Informally recognized for over a century as a convention of the constitution, the position of Leader of the Opposition was given statutory recognition in by the Ministers of the Crown Act.

British prime ministers have never been elected directly by the public. A prime minister need not be a party leader; David Lloyd George was not a party leader during his service as prime Minister during World War I, and neither was Ramsay MacDonald from to Since , most prime ministers have been members of the Commons; since , all have had a seat there.

He became Prime Minister because in he was elected Labour Party leader and then led the party to victory in the general election , winning seats compared to for the Conservatives and gaining a majority in the House of Commons.

Neither the Sovereign nor the House of Lords had any meaningful influence over who was elected to the Commons in or in deciding whether or not Blair would become Prime Minister.

Their detachment from the electoral process and the selection of the Prime Minister has been a convention of the constitution for almost years.

Prior to the 19th century, however, they had significant influence, using to their advantage the fact that most citizens were disenfranchised and seats in the Commons were allocated disproportionately.

In , Charles Grey , the 2nd Earl Grey and a life-long Whig, became Prime Minister and was determined to reform the electoral system.

For two years, he and his Cabinet fought to pass what has come to be known as the Great Reform Bill of As John Bright, a liberal statesman of the next generation, said, "It was not a good Bill, but it was a great Bill when it passed.

The representation of 56 rotten boroughs was eliminated completely, together with half the representation of 30 others; the freed up seats were distributed to boroughs created for previously disenfranchised areas.

However, many rotten boroughs remained and it still excluded millions of working-class men and all women. Symbolically, however, the Reform Act exceeded expectations.

It is now ranked with Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights as one of the most important documents of the British constitutional tradition.

First, the Act removed the sovereign from the election process and the choice of prime minister. Slowly evolving for years, this convention was confirmed two years after the passage of the Act.

Since then, no sovereign has tried to impose a prime minister on Parliament. Weakened, they were unable to prevent the passage of more comprehensive electoral reforms in , , and when universal equal suffrage was established.

Grey set an example and a precedent for his successors. Using his Whig victory as a mandate for reform, Grey was unrelenting in the pursuit of this goal, using every parliamentary device to achieve it.

Although respectful toward the king, he made it clear that his constitutional duty was to acquiesce to the will of the people and Parliament.

The Loyal Opposition acquiesced too. Some disgruntled Tories claimed they would repeal the bill once they regained a majority. But in , Robert Peel, the new Conservative leader, put an end to this threat when he stated in his Tamworth Manifesto that the bill was "a final and irrevocable settlement of a great constitutional question which no friend to the peace and welfare of this country would attempt to disturb".

The premiership was a reclusive office prior to The incumbent worked with his Cabinet and other government officials; he occasionally met with the sovereign and attended Parliament when it was in session during the spring and summer.

He never went out on the stump to campaign, even during elections; he rarely spoke directly to ordinary voters about policies and issues.

After the passage of the Great Reform Bill , the nature of the position changed: Prime ministers had to go out among the people.

The Bill increased the electorate to , As the franchise increased, power shifted to the people and prime ministers assumed more responsibilities with respect to party leadership.

It naturally fell on them to motivate and organise their followers, explain party policies, and deliver its "message".

Successful leaders had to have a new set of skills: They became the "voice", the "face" and the "image" of the party and ministry.

Robert Peel, often called the "model Prime Minister", [75] was the first to recognise this new role. After the successful Conservative campaign of , J.

Croker said in a letter to Peel, "The elections are wonderful, and the curiosity is that all turns on the name of Sir Robert Peel.

Benjamin Disraeli and William Ewart Gladstone developed this new role further by projecting "images" of themselves to the public.

Known by their nicknames "Dizzy" and the "Grand Old Man", their colourful, sometimes bitter, personal and political rivalry over the issues of their time — Imperialism vs.

Each created a different public image of himself and his party. Disraeli, who expanded the Empire to protect British interests abroad, cultivated the image of himself and the Conservative Party as "Imperialist", making grand gestures such as conferring the title "Empress of India" on Queen Victoria in Gladstone, who saw little value in the Empire, proposed an anti-Imperialist policy later called "Little England" , and cultivated the image of himself and the Liberal Party as "man of the people" by circulating pictures of himself cutting down great oak trees with an axe as a hobby.

Gladstone went beyond image by appealing directly to the people. In his Midlothian campaign — so called because he stood as a candidate for that county — Gladstone spoke in fields, halls and railway stations to hundreds, sometimes thousands, of students, farmers, labourers and middle class workers.

Although not the first leader to speak directly to voters — both he and Disraeli had spoken directly to party loyalists before on special occasions — he was the first to canvass an entire constituency, delivering his message to anyone who would listen, encouraging his supporters and trying to convert his opponents.

Noting its significance, Lord Shaftesbury said, "It is a new thing and a very serious thing to see the Prime Minister on the stump.

Campaigning directly to the people became commonplace. Several 20th century prime ministers, such as David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill , were famous for their oratorical skills.

After the introduction of radio, motion pictures, television, and the internet, many used these technologies to project their public image and address the nation.

Stanley Baldwin , a master of the radio broadcast in the s and s, reached a national audience in his talks filled with homely advice and simple expressions of national pride.

For example, Tony Blair , whose Labour party was elected in partly on a promise to enact a British Bill of Rights and to create devolved governments for Scotland and Wales, subsequently stewarded through Parliament the Human Rights Act , the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act From its appearance in the fourteenth century Parliament has been a bicameral legislature consisting of the Commons and the Lords.

Members of the Commons are elected; those in the Lords are not. The balance are Lords Spiritual prelates of the Anglican Church. For most of the history of the Upper House, Lords Temporal were landowners who held their estates, titles and seats as a hereditary right passed down from one generation to the next — in some cases for centuries.

In , for example, there were nineteen whose title was created before Until , Prime Ministers had to guide legislation through the Commons and the Lords and obtain majority approval in both houses for it to become law.

This was not always easy, because political differences often separated the chambers. Representing the landed aristocracy, Lords Temporal were generally Tory later Conservative who wanted to maintain the status quo and resisted progressive measures such as extending the franchise.

The party affiliation of members of the Commons was less predictable. During the 18th century its makeup varied because the Lords had considerable control over elections: After the passage of the Great Reform Bill in , the Commons gradually became more progressive, a tendency that increased with the passage of each subsequent expansion of the franchise.

In , the Liberal party, led by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman , won an overwhelming victory on a platform that promised social reforms for the working class.

For five years, the Commons and the Lords fought over one bill after another. The Liberals pushed through parts of their programme, but the Conservatives vetoed or modified others.

Passed by the Commons, the Lords rejected it. In a general election fought on this issue, the Liberals were weakened but still had a comfortable majority.

Rather than accept a permanent Liberal majority, the Conservative Lords yielded, and the bill became law. The Parliament Act established the supremacy of the Commons.

It provided that the Lords could not delay for more than one month any bill certified by the Speaker of the Commons as a money bill.

Furthermore, the Act provided that any bill rejected by the Lords would nevertheless become law if passed by the Commons in three successive sessions provided that two years had elapsed since its original passage.

The Lords could still delay or suspend the enactment of legislation but could no longer veto it. Indirectly, the Act enhanced the already dominant position of Prime Minister in the constitutional hierarchy.

Although the Lords are still involved in the legislative process and the Prime Minister must still guide legislation through both Houses, the Lords no longer have the power to veto or even delay enactment of legislation passed by the Commons.

Provided that he or she controls the Cabinet, maintains party discipline, and commands a majority in the Commons, the Prime Minister is assured of putting through his or her legislative agenda.

The presidentialisation thesis rests on the Prime Minister becoming more detached from Cabinet, party and Parliament and operating as if the occupant of the office is elected directly by the people.

Thomas Poguntke and Paul Webb define it as: Mackintosh, who instead used the terminology of Prime Ministerial Government to describe the British government.

Tony Blair and the Politics of Public Leadership that are solely dedicated to the subject of presidentialisation in Britain. The British Prime Minister has to all intents and purposes turned, not into a British version of an American president, but into an authentically British president.

The thesis has been widely applied to the premiership of Tony Blair as many sources such as former ministers have suggested that decision-making was controlled by him and Gordon Brown , and the Cabinet was no longer used for decision-making.

When she resigned, Short denounced "the centralisation of power into the hands of the Prime Minister and an increasingly small number of advisers".

Being Honest About the UK Presidency that in fact the office of prime minister has presidential powers. However, the presidentialisation thesis has been extensively criticised as well.

Frederick John Robinson — Arthur Wellesley —30; 1st time. William Lamb ; 1st time. Arthur Wellesley ; 2nd time. Robert Peel —35; 1st time.

William Lamb —41; 2nd time. Robert Peel —46; 2nd time. John Russell —52; 1st time. Edward Geoffrey Stanley ; 1st time. Henry John Temple —58; 1st time.

Edward Geoffrey Stanley —59; 2nd time. Henry John Temple —65; 2nd time. John Russell —66; 2nd time. Edward Geoffrey Stanley —68; 3rd time.

Benjamin Disraeli ; 1st time. William Ewart Gladstone —74; 1st time. Benjamin Disraeli —80; 2nd time. William Ewart Gladstone —85; 2nd time. Robert Cecil —86; 1st time.

William Ewart Gladstone ; 3rd time. Robert Cecil —92; 2nd time. William Ewart Gladstone —94; 4th time.

Archibald Philip Primrose —

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